Communist Party and the political line of the Nepalese Revolution

Prakanda २०७७ श्रावण २ गते, शुक्रबार

“History tells us that correct political and military lines do not emerge and develop spontaneously and tranquilly, but only in the course of struggle. These lines must combat “Left” opportunism on the one hand and Right opportunism on the other.” (Mao Tse-tung, The Chinese Communist Party and China’s Revolutionary War p194.)

Twenty first century has emerged as an era representing as a heist development of science and technology in today’s world. The capitalism centralised as world imperialism and the proletariat class marching imperturbably for the goal of world communism are confronting to each other. The losses that suffered in the first and second World Wars as a highest form of inter-imperialist contradictions, and as a result of the vigorous defeats suffered against the proletariat in direct fronts from the first decade to the 8th of the twentieth century, and that compelled to lose almost one third of its territory, the world imperialism having a ruthless summation of its defeat, losses and its worldwide negative impacts in political, economic and cultural field, has stood in all fronts against proletariat after 1980s, is the actual reality of today’s imperialism. The imperialists have been making an adventurous attempt in drumming the propaganda that the capitalism is being successful under the leadership of the US imperialism. The nineteenth century marked as victory and exercising political power for 75 percent of its period by the proletariat thanks to the combined application of the Marxist science, political philosophy and its theoretical proposition and attained physical strength by that, had been first confirmed by the initial triumph of the 1880s Paris Commune and by the rebelling of the communards. Suppose that there was a great wave of communist, socialist, democratic, national revolutions surged up. As result of conscious and historical initiative taken by the revolutionary political leadership of the proletariat class, its ideology and its party, the world imperialism and the capitalist class had been fallen down to the mire of terror and frustration due to the consecutive suffering and defeats. The proletariat class, the communist revolutionaries and oppressed nationalities were marching ahead with the courage, enthusiasm and victory.The rise of US imperialism in the camp of imperialist block, the cold-war between the US imperialism and Russian social imperialism, the dissolution of the Russian Social Imperialism and end of the cold war by the 1990s, the objective aspect of the US imperialist monopolistic bulling, counter revolution in Paris Commune, the death of Comrade Stalin in the beginning of 60, rise of Khrushchev in the CPSUB and socialist state and counter revolution and rising of Deng Xiao Ping after the death of Mao in China, and in the sum of the subjective aspects of the counter revolution in China, there has been relative unfavourable condition created and caused to get encountered by the proletariat. While examining from the historical facts of the world communist movement, the rise of the proletariat revolution at a unfavourable situation, attaining wave like victories and development , loosing of the socialist power having counter revolution over the state power which were attained at comparatively favourable subjective and objective conditions, being the prey of dissolution and liquidation and the condition created to encounter the unfavourable situation are not simple questions to the twenty-first century world communist movement. The latest revolutionary movement in Peru and Nepal which had reached to the nearby victory could not immune of victimisation of those conditions. Where are the problems for these conditions getting raised up? Did it emerge from MLM ideology, or from within the party and its leadership?  Questions are very serious. While observing from the ideological point of view, this problem is not related to the problem of Maoist science and ideology but the problem is clear that the political leaders and the communist party fail to grasp the questions of changing the existing society. Therefore, the main problem for the world communist movement is the failure in correctly developing and applying Marxist-Leninist-Maoist ideological, political and military line according to the particular circumstances in all countries, and under all revolutionary conditions in the present world. Its development will be the development of proletarian strategy against the imperialist strategy, which will make the imperialist strategy failure. 



The definite revolutionary political and military line guided by Marxist-Leninist-Maoist philosophy   is most necessary to the communist party’s aims for social revolution. It provides theoretical and practical tools guiding for modus operandi practice and theory of revolutionary tactics and strategy. Equipped with a scientific and revolutionary line will successfully move us nearer the revolutionary goal, lack of these, will lead to failure and defeat. Noting the importance of correct line comrade Mao said, on Chinese revolution and the war of resistance against Japanese imperialism: ‘our revolutionary war has proved that we need a correct Marxist military line as well as a correct political line.’ According to this outlook, our party declared the line of unified people’s revolution as providing the way forward for the Nepalese revolution, at our first national convention.

The outlook of the line about the world circumstances 

Our party, and its unified people’s revolution has made a serious historical dialectical materialist analysis of imperialism and the world situation covering the period from 1990 to the present day. It has been a subject of intense debate for the Nepalese and the wider international communist movement. The present world is not unipolar as dominated by American imperialism, but it is a dual or multi-polar one. The emergence of a Russo-China bloc challenging American hegemony, raising possibility of conventional, even nuclear great-power conflict, the wars of aggression against Muslim peoples and countries, the rise of anti-American resistance movements in the exploited nations; all of which express resurgent inter-imperialist contradictions. Against a backdrop of growth for international proletarian revolutionary communist movements, the global economic grip of imperialist corporate monopoly capital, and the reality that increasingly ubiquitous rapid spread of scientific advances in communications, technology, together combine to produce a smaller, more homogenised world. We hold that these developments over the last decade favour international proletarian revolution and struggles for national liberation, and possibility of reversing the setbacks and adversities of the previous quarter century. Engels, in his preface to Capital implies that Marx foresaw a party armed with proletarian ideology emerging from inside capitalism, claiming:“A feat, which none of his predecessors had accomplished. Consequently he established a distinction inside of capital.”                                                                                                                                                                             (Reference M– PREFACE, CAPITAL, KARL MARX, page 17. Progress Publishers, Moscow.’)Marx’s important insights established that contradictions of imperialism, brought forth possibility of proletarian revolution, and created conditions not open to previous proto-communist revolutionary parties.These contradictions intensify, as Lenin pointed out, with transition to imperialist stage. Marx’s insights into political economy, therefore continue to be a powerful weapon of analysis for the proletariat, providing a coherent anti-capitalist/imperialist world-view. Lenin said;“We must define it as capitalism in transition, or, more precisely, as moribund capitalism.”Reference M– SELECTED WORKS OF LENIN, page 260. Progress Publishers, MoscowHis conclusion for the rightist revisionism and leftist revisionism in the Nepalese and world communist movement, or as Lenin said about the leaders of the German Social Democrat Party (SPD):‘“Socialist’s in words and imperialist’s in deeds.” Is as sane as the communist party(capitalist indeed) and the leaders of Nepal. Our approach can be subjectivist, adventurist and romanticist for themReference M– SELECTED WORKS OF LENIN, critiques of imperialism, page 247. Progress Publishers, Moscow.

Our party, and all revolutionary communists resolutely oppose this deviation, and it remains the task of the international proletariat, and its parties, to finally bury imperialism, and usher in the epoch of socialism.America appeared as the global hegemonic super-power in the imperialist camp following end of Cold War in 1990. Since then American imperialists and international bourgeoisie try to mask their oppression and exploitation by propagandising that there is no alternative to global imperialist system.  Consequently, capitalismexpanded, hiding behind the legs of American imperialism.Set against big losses for the international communist movement over previous generation, with the advance of counter-revolution inside the Chinese Communist Party and state after Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, the collapse of Soviet social-imperialism, and defeats of Burmese and Malayan revolutions added to list of revolutionary failures and reverses. It was then noted that some communists were attempting to explain lack of success in metaphysical abstraction and idealist form, increasing ignoring MLM theory as revolutionary method for understanding post-1990 geopolitical circumstances. They concluded that in present international situation, imperialism was too strong, therefore making it impossible to prevent defence of, renewed preparations for and launchingof people’s revolutions.In this context, e.g. ten years of increasingly successful People’s War, the CPN (M) leadership, along with a section of the party, surrendered victory, deviated from the revolutionary roadand degenerated into comprador parliamentarianism following 2006. This problem did not spring up overnight, but had emerged at a very late stage of People’s War. Chairman Prachanda, a political and military leader, attempted to mask this betrayal, by advancing the spurious argument, related to lack of international support and an unfavourable world situation,in order to conceal his deviation and justify the peace agreement. Inner-party opposition to Prachanda’s capitulationism led to intense two-line struggle, an eventual split and formation of new party, led by comrade Kiran.Two-line struggle however, continued to be the principal difference with Kiran leadership in the new CPN-Maoist. Our even newer party, CPN Maoist, has resolved this argument finally with promulgation of unified people’s revolution, restoring an anti-imperialist strategy, and resolutely challenging the revisionism that emasculated our revolution when it was close to victory. 


The political line of our new party, CPN (Maoist), is to build the unified people’s revolution in Nepal. It is conscious of its weighty obligations to the Nepalese people, workers and national minorities. It is also conscious that the Nepalese struggle is symbiotically linked to that of the world-wide proletariat. Our party is unconditionally committed to discharging these responsibilities, and fulfilling its obligations. The aim of our party is; to complete the tasks of the Nepalese revolution, to defend the achievements of the heroic ten years People’s War, and reverse the counter-revolutionary negative political effects that followed the 2006 ‘peace’ agreement.Therefore, our party has two immediate, linked objectives:To establish a People’s DemocracyTo carry through the struggle for national liberation and sovereignty, and end Nepal’s present neo-colonial status.The party will advance the necessity of armedand political line in order to accomplish these onerous and crucial historical tasks.There are two problematic politico-ideological tendencies that have flourished within the Nepalese communist movement, to the detriment of revolutionary prospects and success. One is rightist revisionism, in old and new form, which degenerated into comprador parliamentarianism; rejecting revolution in the name of so-called ‘creativity’, and excuses related to ‘unfavourable’ domestic and international circumstances. Prachanda’s CPN (Maoist Centre) and Oli’s CPN (UML) fall into this category. The second is dogmatism, blindly adopting doctrinaire positions that ignore the scientific modalities of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist political philosophy and practice, its theoretical values, and the absolute requirement to seriously study the specificities and individual particularities distinct in every country and society. Kiran’s CPN (Maoist Revolutionary) and CPN Masal fall into this category. These deviations have severely hampered prospects for the success of the Nepalese revolution, by blocking-out necessity for correct revolutionary line. Mao stressed the need to challenge these deviations:“Both dogmatism and revisionism run counter to Marxism. Marxism must certainly advance: it must develop along with the development of practice and cannot stand still. It would become lifeless, if it remained stagnant and stereotyped. However, the basic principles of Marxism must never be violated, or otherwise mistakes will be made.”(Speech at CPC’s National Conference – 1937)It is impossible to build and lead the communist revolution in Nepal, without remorseless combat with these two tendencies, and their antipathy to the difficult, but absolutely necessary forging of a political line that correctly meets the extant revolutionary circumstances in that country.Our national revolution cannot be separated from the international proletarian struggle. Our success in Nepal would therefore represent an advance for the world-wide revolution, our failure, equally a setback. Thus, it is required that we make a serious study of the international situation. Domestically we must say concretely that our principal task is to build and lead the forces of revolution in the present Nepalese conjuncture. Our party’s intention of focussing a unified people’s revolution is, in this respect, a correct and dynamic political line. All communists are aware that failure to apply the correct line, results from failure to analyse thoroughly existing political and social realities, and inevitably leads to defeat.This necessitates to firmly apply Marxist scientific methodology, to grasp the fundamentals, particularities, and special features, distinct in all political situations, social formations, and nations. Accomplishing revolution demands an historical materialist world-view, with the party and the proletariat’s feet planted firmly on the ground. It cannot be an idealistic project ignoring the nuts and bolts of reality.It must relate the particular to the general, and from the general to the particular. On this relation Mao noted: ‘Revolutionary war, whether a revolutionary class war or a revolutionary national war, has its own specific circumstances and nature, in addition to the circumstances and nature of war in general. Therefore, besides the general laws of war, it has specify law of its own. Unless you understand it’s specify circumstances and nature, unless you understand specific laws, you will not be able to direct a revolutionary war and wage it successfully.’Therefore on our path to revolutionary victory, we are guided by the appropriate and magnificent thoughts of Chairman Mao.


It is important to concentrate on understanding the present world situation in conjunction with developing a political line in response to our domestic struggle. In this respect the principal features of this 21stcentury are;Imperialism through globalisation.Rapid and qualitative developments in science and technology.Corporate character of imperialist system.Breakthroughs in developments of advanced military technology and communications.The Russian and Chinese revolutions took place on the entirely different terrain of the 20thcentury. Therefore, a quantitative approach will not be enough. Only a qualitative development of a political line will suffice for proletarian revolution in the world outlined above.We have prepared a concrete political line that is in essence intended to carry the Nepalese revolution through to victory, under the leadership of our party, CPN Maoist. To this end the party has identified the need for an objective and definitive analysis of the existing contradictions, structures and facets of Nepalese society. Nepal itself has changed over the past century, from a semi-feudal, semi-colonial state, into a comprador capitalist, neo-colonial one, with its own distinct aspects that distinguish it from every other state and country. They are:Nepal is landlocked, bounded by China in the north, and by India on its western, southern and eastern borders.Negative effects of comprador capitalism on Nepalese state and society.Intimate relationship between rural and urban peoples.Rapid expansion in the middle-class demographic.Continued discrimination against ethnicities, classes, genders, and socio-cultural groups.Expansion and augmented influence of patriotic forces.The analysis of these characteristics provides the foundation of our political line. They are unique to Nepal, and consequently make its revolution different from those of the Paris Commune in 19th century, Russian and Chinese revolutions of 20thcentury. If we do not, cannot, will not study and grasp these Nepalese specificities, then we will be restricted to mechanically and subjectively copying the modalities of those earlier struggles. Mao said, in the context of preparing the line of the Chinese revolution: ‘The experience of the civil war in the Soviet Union directed by Lenin and Stalin has a world-wide significance. All communist parties, including the Chinese communist party, regard this experience and its theoretical summing-up by Lenin and Stalin as their guide. But this does not meant that we should apply it mechanically to our own conditions. In many of its aspects China’s revolutionary war has characteristics distinguishing it from the civil war in the Soviet Union. Of course it is wrong to take no account of these characteristics or deny their experience. This point has been fully borne out it in our ten years of war.’Our party, similarly, has synthesised its political line based on the laws and specific characteristics of the Nepalese revolution, while upholding generally that the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist principle of revolution holds good universally for Nepal and all other countries, we are particularly inspired by the Paris Commune, the Russian Revolution, and China’s Protracted People’s War, tracing our communist roots back to these titanic proletarian struggles.Analysing the particularities and special conditions of Nepal, has enabled our party to fashion a political line and revolutionary strategy that is both original and uniquely suited to those conditions. It celebrates solidarity with the earlier revolutionary struggles, without trying to automatically apply the tactics and strategy devised by revolutionary communists on the different terrain of the 20th century. Our particular experience of a ten years People’s War, followed by ten years of counter-revolution after 2006, serves to emphasise the urgent necessity of developing a political line that fits Nepalese circumstances.


At the first National Congress, our party synthesised the line of political practice and armed struggle of unified people’s revolution, based on the above six special characteristics obtaining in our country, and linked to the four special characteristics pertaining to the world situation of the 21st century. Mao acknowledged that such a project was key requisite in defining the revolutionary party in all situations:“Thus the four principal characteristics of China’s revolutionary war are: a vast semi-colonial country which is unevenly developed politically and economically and which has gone through a great revolution; a big and powerful enemy; a small and weak Red Army; and the agrarian revolution. These characteristics determine the line for guiding China’s revolutionary war as well as many of its strategic and tactical principles. It follows from the first and fourth characteristics that it is possible for the Chinese Red Army to grow and defeat its enemy. It follows from the second and third characteristics that it is impossible for the Chinese Red Army to grow very rapidly or defeat its enemy quickly; in other words, the war will be protracted and may even be lost if it is mishandled.”Reference M– SELECTED MILITARY WORKINGS OF MAO-TSE-TUNG, Our strategy and tactics ensuing from these characteristics, page 97. Foreign languages press Peking 1967.

It is necessary to study seriously what comrade Mao said on the key features of the Chinese revolution. Mao above provides a guideline, a mode of analysis that enables us insights into the characteristics of the Nepalese revolution that distinguish it from the Bolsheviks lightning seizure of power in 1917, and China’s Protracted People’s War. It is Marxist-Leninist-Maoist developed according to the specific Nepalese conditions, internal dynamic, and distinct revolutionary tempo.The Nepalese unified people’s revolution is a united proletarian front fighting imperialism in all its political, economic, military, ideological manifestations. It would be correct to say that it will take more than one battle to defeat existing hegemonic, multi-faceted imperialism.The unified people’s revolution inherits the line of a continuous revolution within proletarian dictatorship, as developed and implemented by comrade Mao in GPCR in resistance to capitalist restoration and counter-revolution in Chinese Party and state.To this end, its objective is to halt and defeat counter-revolution and carry through the proletarian transformation of state and society in Nepal.The line of unified people’s revolution on tactics and strategy forattaining and consolidating the proletarian state, originates from an M-L-M world-view. It holds that once the proletariat had picked up the gun, it cannot put it down until the question of state power is settled with decisive ascendancy of the proletariat.It is the line that makes the Nepalese working-class masters of a state-power, formed to defeat imperialism, expansionism and capitalist reaction on all fronts, so as to ensure final proletarian victory.It is the line that recognisesmiddle-class progressives as basic constituent of revolutionary forces, forging an alliance with workers and peasants to complete the national and democratic revolution and make them equally stakeholders in the new state.In summary, unified people’s revolution is an M-L-M line prepared on theoretical base of experiences of Russian Bolsheviks ten-day seizure of power in 1917, Chinese Protracted People’s War over thirty years, and the short-lived 1870 Paris commune. The development and implementation of this line will secure victory for the Nepalese revolution over all forces of reaction, by establishing a People’s Democracy and achieving Nepal’s national liberation and sovereignty.Establishing, therefore, the correct line is the principal question for the revolutionary proletarian party, requiring deep insight, objective methodology, and extensive debate. In this respect, the line of unified people’s revolution has been synthesised during ten years of People’s War, and which in the following decade of counter-revolution, saw intense inner-party debate and two-line struggle in the 2063 Balaju Plenum, over the way forward for the Nepalese revolution, the Kamidada Central committee meeting and debate, the Kharipati National Convention, the Palungtar Plenum meeting, and in the first National Assembly of the CPN-Maoist, the 2069 breakaway new party led by comrade Kiran, from the UCPN Maoist, which emerged out two line struggle, in opposition to the revisionist path of the latter party under Prachanda’s leadership.Alongside these intense debates; serious study, diligent investigation and deep contemplation enabled a correct line for proletarian revolution to be hammered out. Unified people’s revolution is a document, presented by our party for carrying through the Nepalese proletarian revolution. In doing so we have assimilated Mao’s theory and practice on the question of establishing, implementing, and developing the correct political line.“The problem of protracted war deserves wide attention and discussion; what I have given is only an outline, which I hope you will examine and discuss, amend and amplify.”Reference- the theory of national subjugation is wrong and so is the theory of quick victory, selected military writings of MAO TSE-TUNG, page 263The proletarians, revolutionary communists, patriots and the intelligentsia in Nepalese society have a collective duty to forge and implement the line of unified people’s revolution.According to comrade Mao; to examine, discuss and amend leads to implementation, research and develop. Our party holds that the M-L-M line of unified people’s revolution will develop successfully through historical process ideological class struggle scientifically applied. Our Party personifies unified people’s revolution, and bears the weighty responsibilities of Nepal’s democratic revolution. Our Party is challenged to prove its scientific credentials to all classes, to all Nepalese people. Over the past eighteen months we have seriously applied dialectical methods of implementing this line.“Marxism-Leninism is held to be true not only because it was so considered when it was scientifically formulated by Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin but because it has been verified in the subsequent practice of revolutionary class struggle and revolutionary national struggle.”
Reference M–SELECTED READING FROM THE WORK OF MAO-TSE-TUNG, on practice, page 63. Foreign languages press Peking 1967We strongly contend that our party’s line is fundamentally correct. We aim to prove this, by applying it in practice, for the furtherance of national liberation, and a people’s revolution that will radically transform Nepalese society, sweeping away the existing reactionary status quo and their corrupt, comprador capitalist system, into the dustbin of history.There have been two reactions to the publication of our synthesised line for implementation of unified people’s revolution. One has been revolutionary, progressive and patriotic, while the other was revisionist, reactionary and anti-patriotic. The former demonstrates an attractive optimism, energy and excitement at the prospects for a Maoist-led revolution for national liberation and socialism. These social and political forces are already energetically participating in defending and implementing this developed line.   


Nepal has changed into a neo-colonial, comprador capitalist state, from a semi-colonial, semi-feudal one, and which subsequently now calls out for national liberation and people’s revolution. The question of liberation for exploited nations, linked with democracy for their working-classes, eventually is the decisive struggle with imperialism and expansionism in the present world of imperialism and proletariat revolution. It is essential the democratic revolution to liberate working Nepalese people from the comprador capitalism and the national revolution to liberate the country from the neo-colonial condition. The revolution that will accomplish in Nepal to establish the national sovereign and the political rights of Nepalese people is the unified people’s revolution. our revolution against the imperialism, expansionism, comprador capitalism and the residual feudal elements set out, so that unified people’s revolution will not be as the capitalist democratic of the Europe and America in the 19th century, is the unified people’s revolution ensures the democratic people’s right of Nepalese working people, because capitalist bourgeoisies were (would be)in the leadership in the capitalist democratic revolution of Europe and America, and the states were (would be) established and operated in the dictatorship of proletariat. Because of the ending of the progressive character of the capitalism, the imperialist interfere characters to the independent nations, then international bourgeoisie has been already lost the leading status of exploited nations and the working classes forever. The bourgeoisie changed into comprador bourgeoisie in the 2nd and 3rdworld countries can no more lead or ensure the liberation of working class. So unified people’s revolution is to accomplish the revolution in the leadership of proletariat with an alliance of workers, exploited classes, peasants, squatters, in the participation of the progressive middle class and including the national capitalists. The nationalist forces on the behalf of national sovereign and the people who are backward and exploited in the social and geographical view, women, Dalilts, Muslims will participate in this revolution. The principal objective of unified people’s revolution is to build the sovereign democratic Nepalese society, to establish the Nepalese people’s democracy ending the imperialist and expansionist transgression and interfere, national capitulation and subversive of comprador bourgeoisie. The Nepalese democratic state power against imperialism and world capitalism is the state on the behalf of (siding with) scientific socialism and world communism. The democracy against imperialism, expansionism and comprador capitalism is Nepalese democracy. This democracy is in the row of world communist revolution and the system against imperialist world system.  Therefore the unified people’s revolution which will accomplish in Nepal is an integrated part of the world socialist revolutionThis is being created under proletarian leadership, with active participation of exploited classes, workers, peasants, squatters,  progressive middle-class strata and national patriotic bourgeoisie. It is a revolution that encompass all these patriotic forces and represents all oppressed minorities and socially exploited groups; ethnic peoples, women, Dalits and Muslims.Nepalese people’s exercise of scientific socialist state-power will make it a red base against capitalist reaction and world imperialism.

Our democracy will be the democracy of the Nepalese people, our revolution will stand in the ranks of the international proletariat, as part of integrated world revolution. The present stage of Nepalese people’s revolution is transitional, and anticipates the construction of a socialist state, after the historical debris of neo-colonialism and comprador capitalism have been cleared away. It is a resolute aim of the unified people’s revolution to establish and defend proletarian dictatorship.Unified people’s revolution is the only path to victory for revolutionary victory in Nepal!The Nepalese people have been engaged in a continuous struggle since 2007 B.S. that reached a qualitative level of intensity with the outbreak of People’s War at 1st Falgun 2052 B.S., and the launching of a revolutionary assault on the reactionary centralised, semi-feudal, bourgeois parliamentary state. However, the aim of establishing national sovereignty and people’s democracy was thwarted following the counter-revolution after 2063 B.S. Thereafter, the nature of the state transformed from oneCharacterised as an absolutist monarchy, into one declared, in Ashwin 3, 2072, as a ‘democratic’ republic.The political ruling-class overseeing this drama, Nepali Congress, CPN (UML), the various Madeshi parties, even UCPM (M) (whose chairman, Prachanda led the decade-long People’s War) enthusiastically participated in this orgy of reaction, proudly proclaiming their ‘democratic’ credentials. The old and new comprador bourgeoisie have shamelessly displayed their treason, and anti-people character, before the Nepalese nation.

The corollary of this situation is the complete inability, or desire, to address the great problems facing our people; corruption, black-marketeering, erosion of people’s rights, massive tax-avoidance by the rich, and inflation in price of basic commodities. The comprador bourgeoisie actively collude in perpetuating this situation, for their selfish class interests.These damaging conditions are symptoms of capitalist comprador decay and depression and pose a singular threat to the life of the people and nation. If final catastrophe for the long-suffering Nepalese people is to be avoided, then there is no alternative but to intensify the pace of unified people’s revolution and build a real people’s democratic state that works for all the people, and not just a privileged few.We need to be clear how the aims of unified people’s revolution will translate into, and be resolved by establishing People’s Democracy. The political system that will establish after ending neo-colonial, comprador capitalist and residual feudal elements and liberate the people and the country through unified people’s revolution in the leadership of proletariat communist party, with the participating of workers, peasants, squatters, progressive middle classes, and also the national capitalist is the democratic state of the Nepalese working people. The exploited masses, oppressed ethnicities in the view of social and internal nationality, revolutionary communities, Muslims, Dalits, and Women will participate in the people’s revolution to build the democracy of Nepalese working people. Unified people’s revolution will end the class, region, and ethnicity, social and cultural oppressions and will build the sovereign democratic Nepalese society. The main character of Unified people’s revolution is that will establish the democratic state with the collective dictatorship of workers, peasants, progressive middle classes and national capitalist and all revolutionary classes and people under the leadership of proletariat communist party.Our new people’s state will lead Nepalese society to scientific socialism.Each revolutionary class of the society will be ensured their represents in the state according to their class, social status and the presence.

To provide the animate of the essence of the democratic state  and to express people desires in the perceptible form, will end the ideological, class, social, cultural and including all discriminations in the society, originated by feudal and comprador state and will be removed.  The equal voting rights of all revolutionary classes and the people will be ensured in the state. The system to be elected directly their desired people’s delegates according to adult voting rights, establishing the local to central level representative electoral system will be in the democratic ruling system.It will be implemented the system to establish all levels house of representative by the elected delegates from the people.It will be ensured the political rights of people to re-appeal the elected delegates if they were against the people’s mandates or desire.The central house of representative formed by the elected delegates to govern their own ruling system will be the supreme structure to implement people’s democratic dictatorship. It is called the state “system of democratic centralism.” as said by comrade Mao.The problems ‘internal nationality’ of the Nepalese people originated by unitary feudal state will be solved by the policy of autonomous rights. ‘Special rights’ will be ensured by the people’s state, for all those groups and strata, also previously marginalised and oppressed; Dalits, women and Muslims. People’s democratic system has an objective to take progressive middle class as a part in socialist construction and the shareholders in the ruling system according to their social, class status and presence.The principal aim of unified people’s revolution is to meet the long-held desire of the Nepalese people for sovereignty, economic development and prosperity.

None of which is possible under the present comprador capitalist dispensation.Crucial to socialist construction, under party leadership, the new state will operate the ‘mass line’, with people power dispersed from the centre and extended nationwide. It will form a distinct phase in ongoing unified people’s revolution, by resisting meddling, hostility and expansionism of external imperialists, and also the internal comprador capitalists and similar class enemies, trying to sabotage the revolution for narrow, selfish class-interests, with support and encouragement from their foreign masters.The new state will therefore be the property of the Nepalese people, and our united front for revolution and national liberation is that state in embryo. If the political, social and cultural rights envisaged in its programme are to be enacted, then all the popular democratic, progressive and patriotic forces it represents and recruits, have an ongoing stake in, if not a duty to defend and extend the revolution, in all its unfolding metamorphoses.  


democratic economic system is essential for New Democratic Nepal. As Mao pointed out in respect to china; “And the politics of New Democracy are the concentrated expression of the economy of New Democracy”. Whether the politics is democratic or not is proved by the economic system that is applied by the system. That’s why democratic economic system must be as a backbone of democratic state system.The current economic configuration in Nepal is bureaucratic led comprador capitalism with residual feudal syndrome. It is assisting imperialist and expansionist monopoly capital to conquer national capital by inviting inside the country without any restrictions. Comprador capital is literally the residue of capital that survives by imperialistic monopoly capitalist class on reward of submitting national capital, raw materials, labor force, natural resources of national capital to it. It considers itself a capitalist as actually being comprador and bureaucratic capitalist class by inviting foreign monopolistic capital to conquer national capital. The primary intention of comprador and bureaucratic capitalist class is to rob national capital and national economic system. The dominant complications of Nepalese economic system including corruption, commission, black marketing, tax fraud, are the consequences of comprador capital.

Comprador capital’s land mafia groups are destroying national agricultural production by plotting land suitable for agriculture. Political and economic sector’s compradors are submitting nation’s natural resources including water resource to imperialistic monopoly capitalist to preserve their existence. Nation’s labor force and youth power is being transferred to abroad in interest and strategy of foreign monopolistic capitalists through compradors operating manpower companies.  Youths are compelled to live life like hell in abroad. Comprador capitalist are trafficking women to foreign market for prostitution without any restriction. They are promoting open and imperceptible prostitution inside the country. As being agricultural country they have detained the country as an open market for imperialist and expansionist’s goods by bankrupting national industries, national trade and production in agricultural material. Financial institutions controlled by comprador capitalist class is transformed to fraudulent organizations by burglarize peasant and national industrialist and traders. Health and education sector have become victim of personalization and trading and are far away or have tainted from its minimum responsibility and service character. Nepalese people are under dubious implications of it. The remnants of feudal production system and economic system are present. The present condition, reality, event, consequences of Nepalese comprador capitalist class and comprador economic system led by it compulsorily demands an objective necessity of instant economic revolution.In the country like Nepal to free national economic system and national capitalists attacked and abolished from imperialist and expansionist’s monopoly capital and its representative comprador capital being present with in the country, the social character of revolution would be in the first stage mainly capitalist democratic within unified peoples revolution. The main purpose of capitalist democratic revolution is to abolish present comprador capitalist class and its economic system and to protect, conserve and develop the foundation of independent national economy.

The capitalist democratic system in combined dictatorship and leadership of proletariat class and all revolutionary class will work as highway to socialist revolution and socialist economic system.Nepalese democratic economic system will be mixed economic systems: – state characters economic system which will be under the ownership of People’s Republic and co-operational economic system owned by Nepalese working people. This economic system will contain elements of socialist revolution and economy. The democratic republican state and democratic economic system thus established after the completion of unified peoples revolution will reply in tit for tat way to imperialism, world’s capitalist class and comprador capitalist bandit by exercising economic theory, policy and practice having character of ensured ownership of people in ownership of private property. It is bluffing extensively by saying thus established new system will deduct peoples right on ownership of private property.Today’s imperialism and world capitalist policy of privatization, liberalization and business through comprador and bureaucratic capitalist class in Nepal has controlled national industries, trade/business, agricultural production, construction sector, banking sector and has ambiguous. As previously the character of Nepalese economy being feudal and later on comprador and bureaucratic capitalist, it has paused usual or fundamental development of Nepalese economy from feudal economy system to capitalist economic system with accordance to chronology of social development. Its consequence is that Nepalese economic system is still more ambiguous and backward. It is clearly justified by current economical year’s economic growth of 0.7%. Nation’s economy is under control of very small portion of comprador capitalists. To emancipate Nepal’s economy from this and to protect and develop national capital is the primary target of democratic economic system.The primary responsibility of democratic economic system is to take control, nationalize and establish ownership of democratic state system on capital controlled by compradors and feudal class.  Democratic economic system full protects private capitalist industries and rich peasant’s property. Democratic economic system’s state and bureaucracy operates foreign monopoly capital and comprador capitalist’s big industrial and business institutes which monopolize public life, mega banks, aviation and transportation on its own. Democratic economic system will terminate the situation of dominating civil service of Nepalese people by foreign monopoly and comprador capital. This will be the essential theory of democratic economic system about protection of national capital its development and operation.As Nepal being agriculture based country, the democratic economy system will terminate the ironic situation of peasant being without land and feudal, landlords and land-mafia occupying the land. The omnipresent of feudal, landlords, and land-mafia in ownership of land will be abolished and will be taken under the ownership of democratic state system. Democratic economic system will distribute land for   the purpose of agricultural production to landless peasants and other peasants equally.  Democratic economic system will create jobs by cooperating, modernizing and using scientific ways in agricultural sector.  

Agriculture sector will be taken as the foundation for nation’s industrialization.Nepal’s democratic economic system will appraise tourism sector as an important part of its economy. Nepalese tourism sector which full of natural, cultural and religious diversity will be developed as national tourism industry by freeing it from mafias. It will target tourism sector to develop as a matter of keeping good health, to create healthier social environment and job opportunity to Nepalese working people.Democratic economic system of unified people’s revolution will guarantee minimum requirement of Nepalese people like food, shelter, cloth, education, health and employment. Minimum requirements of Nepalese people will be considered as fundamental right and the condition of fulfilling those requirements by democratic state system will be guaranteed.  Women’s equal right on property will be guaranteed in Nepalese people’s democratic economic system.  Democratic economic system will develop Dalit community to modern proletariat class from historical proletariat class by promoting and cooperating, industrializing, and modernizing their historical labor, art and skills. The Dalit community which is now forced to live gloomy life from oppression of feudal and comprador capitalist’s class’s state mechanism, class, social and cultural discrimination will be freed from all kinds of oppression and will be developed to modern proletariat class, genuinely leading factor of history.Economic character of stately economic sector will be socialist and it will be leading force of total national economic system in the democratic economic system of democratic republic regulated under the leadership of Nepalese proletariat class but it won’t obstruct in private property.Democratic economic system of unified people revolution will be against the foreign monopolistic capitalism, comprador and bureaucratic capitalism and it will abolish state mechanism and economic system of comprador capitalist class. To establish national economic relations to create foundation of socialist revolution and economic system by establishing and developing sovereign, independent national economic system is the only one target objective of democratic economic system of unified people’s revolution. This is necessary target for our nation and Nepalese people too. 

Mixed Economy – Public & Private

To this end our new liberated people’s state will direct, or nationalise the commanding heights of the economy, by expropriating the compradors and monopoly capitalists and establishing democratic control of the means of production and distribution. Certain industries will be left under ownership and control of patriotic capitalists and property rights of prosperous, productive peasants and farmers will be protected during the period of transition to socialism. However, the big monopoly cartels control of industry, business and banking will be subject to public ownership and state control. Our new democracy will also terminate the domination of our civil service by foreign and comprador capitalists.


Nepal’s economy is mainly agricultural, and therefore it is crucial that we introduce democracy and justice into this important sector. We will not allow continuation of the present situation, with landless peasants on one hand, confronted by big feudal, mafia landlords on the other. A ‘Land to the Tiller’ programme will be launched by the people’s state, expropriating the landlords and distributing the land among the peasantry, with equity according to needs and ability. With the energy of the rural masses released, there will be a concomitant rise in domestic agricultural production. Nepal will become more self-sufficient and no longer as dependent on monopoly capitalist imports. Jobs in this sector will be created and scientific methods for improving land use and raising yields will be introduced. The industrialisation of this sector will be a model for industrialisation throughout the national economy. 


Our party is also fully conscious of the important role of the tourist industry in our national economy. Nepal is resplendent with wonderful topography, a unique, beautiful and dramatic natural environment, incomparable and singular flora and fauna, and fantastic cultural and religious diversity; all precious assets that need to be protected and developed as a national industry, and taken out of the hands of haphazard, indigenous scattered, peculating mafia gangs, and foreign monopolies. The industry’s workers are too valuable assets and it will the task of the new state to see that standards of employment, regarding training, wage levels, legal protection, health and safety of operatives in the sector will be raised from their present low levels. This will form part of a concerted programme ensuring such rights apply to all Nepalese working people.   

Minimum Living Standards

The unified people’s revolution, in form of the new state, will also guarantee minimum standards covering conditions of existence. Therefore, basic requirements of Nepalese people, guaranteeing fundamental rights to; food, shelter, clothing, health, education and employments will be constitutionally enacted. These minimum standards will be steadily implemented, according to economic progress and growth, throughout Nepali society. 

Women’s Property Rights

Feudal property practices that discriminate against women will be swept away and they will be guaranteed by law, equal property rights with men.

 Dalit Community

Dalits in actuality have always formed a distinct group within Nepal’s historical proletariat, long-suffering a double oppression of caste and class. Their cultural and economic immiseration was an open function of feudalism, and a hidden, (though no less cruel and irrational), function of comprador capitalism. This will change, and Dalit people will take their rightful place beside their comrades in a modernised proletariat. Their labour, their skills, their arts and crafts, will be upgraded and institutionalised, with the totality of their valuable contribution to Nepal’s economic and social formation being finally recognised and past injustice rectified. It will be process of criticism-transformation-unity for unified people’s revolution. 

The State

To summarise, we will dismantle the economic and state apparatus of the bourgeois compradors. Under proletarian leadership our state will be a state of all the people. It will form transitional stage to socialism, exhibiting both capitalist and socialist characteristics. By concentrating the talents and energies of the Nepalese people in popular democratic economics, introducing socialist planning, and scientific development of forces of production we will raise productivity and increase our GDP (Gross Domestic Product). We will build and protect an independent national economy, strong enough to resist international monopoly capitalism, and its imperialist predations and lay the foundations for socialism. 


Unified people’s revolution is the armed and political line for national liberation and democratic revolution of the Nepalese people. Its use, was a fundamental to two-line struggle with Prachanda in UCPN (Maoist). Two-line struggle on this issue continued within CPN-Maoist, the breakaway from the former, led by comrade Kiran. The strategy of unified people’s revolution, finally emerged as the authentic line of our new party – CPN Maoist – and nineteen months ago, at our first national conference, and was confirmed as manifesto commitment. This political line of March, while it reflects serious investigation, communist commitment and revolutionary élan, is nevertheless conscious that the line can only be successfully and widely disseminated among the mass of the Nepalese people by remaining open to question, clarification and extensive debate.  Our leadership and all party members are conscious of their responsibility to see that this dialogue ensues. It is crucial to the line being popularly understood and engaged with.The militant, uncompromising form set forth in unified people’s revolution is shaped by dialectics of political and armed struggle. Even though, in the last instance, as comrade Mao summarised for communists, it is always ‘politics in command’.The political line of unified people’s revolution will take two fundamental forms; assaultive and defensive, the balanced form will also be within two forms in the relative of revolution, and will reflect the aspects of war, ancient and modern, and revolutions, past and present, including our Nepalese People’s war.The calibration between the two forms of struggle, political and military, will be weighted relative to the balance of forces, in any specific conjuncture, according to revolutionary necessity.The forms of struggle of unified people’s revolution will me mainly people’s struggle, mass action and armed struggle. While all forms will be developed and utilised relative to necessity and revolutionary process; it is both given and accepted that armed struggle is ultimately decisive. 


Dedicated revolutionary communists have continuously led the people’s movement in popular mass agitation and armed struggle since the foundation of the first Communist Party of Nepal in 2006 B.S. Despite ideological and political limitations and lack of experience in revolutionary practice, these early communist pioneers shone a beacon of light on the iniquities of feudal, semi-colonial Nepal.The dark side of the movement saw previous comrades sucked into class-collaboration, opportunism, tailism, capitulationism, revisionism, liquidationism, non-political and non-theoretical groupism, deviationism, parliamentary cretinism and outright betrayal.The highest stage of class struggle took the form of the great People’s War, with the hitherto suppressed, oppressed castes, classes, ethnic peoples, and communal religions, for first time standing magnificently on the stage of Nepalese history. Then people’s victory was then snatched away by recidivist Brahminical treachery of so-called ‘Maoist’ leadership, surrendering the gains of People’s War to expansionists, imperialists and comprador capitalist, and their strategy was also active to finish the PW objectively.Revolutionary communists since then have summoned all their energies to reverse this decade of counter-revolution, and resume the revolutionary struggle for freedom from imperialism and people’s democracy.

There have been many attempts by Nepalese communists to complete the revolution and establish people power across the land. Success was close during People’s War, but was surrendered to the class enemy, who still remains strong, politically and militarily. It will require renewed effort and commitment from communists to carry through the revolution, if the enemy is to be dislodged from state and society over the coming period.The three major threats facing Nepalese people’s revolution are; imperialism, expansionism and comprador capitalism. These forces are embodied in the present reactionary bourgeois state, which has to be dismantled and destroyed by our revolution if the two great tasks confronting the revolutionary forces, national liberation and creation of a people’s democratic state, are to finally succeed.In order to achieve the overthrow of the reactionary state and the minority bourgeois class it serves and defends, it is necessary for the communist party to unite and lead in struggle the majoritarian class forces in Nepalese society; workers, peasants and progressive middle strata, so that a powerful and decisive revolutionary movement can finally settle the question of state power in favour of the proletariat. Therefore building this mighty revolutionary force is essential preparation, if internal bourgeois and feudal reaction, and external imperialist transgressive meddling and sabotage, are to be successfully resisted and beaten back. Despite formal distinctions between the national revolution and anti-imperialist struggle, the two are closely interrelated, and communists must study deeply this connection. In Nepal imperialism is the horse and the bourgeois comprador, the jockey. Dislodge the jockey and the horse immediately loses bearings and intention. To separate these intertwined characteristics is non-dialectical, and ignores Marxist historical materialist methodology for analysing all economic, political and social phenomena, past and present.Mao, for instance, in scientifically synthesising the relationship between the Chinese people’s revolution against the feudal landlord class and anti-imperialist struggle, established that the relationship was symbiotic, and not contradictory. In the concrete reality of the Chinese revolution he asserted strongly that: “The primary and foremost task being the national revolution to overthrow imperialism.” (Mao Tse Tung, Sel. Wks. Vol. 2, The Chinese Revolution, p 318)It requires similar clarity regarding the Nepalese national and people’s revolution. The historical experience of the democratic and communist movement, up to and including the decade of People’s War, and the subsequent decade of transition into counter-revolution makes this an imperative and urgent responsibility, if our revolution is to be re-launched in effective and decisive form. We recognise that our people’s democratic revolution will transform into a national liberation struggle.

The CPN Maoist acknowledges its great and noble historic duty, and the Herculean nature of the revolutionary project that rests on our shoulders. It is conscious that its revolutionary role is profoundly different from the political parties that spring up like mushrooms in September from the mulch of the corrupt, comprador parliamentary system, because it aims to replace this charade, and not, like the bourgeois and revisionist parties, feed off it. This time, whatever the cost, whatever the sacrifices, the revolution must be seen through to completion, with unified people’s revolution transforming into proletarian socialist revolution.The people’s democratic revolution stands in stark contrast to the so-called federal democratic republic established by comprador bourgeoisie after 2006 ‘peace’ agreement, end of People’s War, the nineteen-day long Jana Andolan (people’s uprising) and final settling of accounts with feudal monarchical absolutism. Revolutionary communists denounce the excessive illusions and parliamentary cretinism of the compradors, who claim that the present system is the apogee of people’s democracy. This claim has been also advanced by revisionists, new and old, who have abandoned revolutionary communism. It is a vain attempt to mask a reactionary reality, in direct opposition to those genuine revolutionary communists who argue strongly that:“People’s democratic revolution has not been completed yet.”What will distinguish the people’s democratic state will be the complete dismantling of the comprador state and removal of the reactionary, anti-patriotic bourgeoisie from political and economic power. The new state will be established and operated as the unified dictatorship of all Nepalese revolutionary classes, taking its place among the inspirational leadership of the world proletariat.Revolutionary communist parties should be clear on the two phases of the Nepalese revolution; they are the democratic and the socialist phase. They also recognise necessity of the Nepalese people sharing this understanding. Although the two are interrelated, they also differ from each other. The socialist revolution can only follow after the democratic revolution has been completed. In this context Mao firmly stated: “The democratic revolution is the necessary preparation for the socialist revolution, and the socialist revolution is the inevitable sequel to the democratic revolution.”Similarly; the democratic phase of the Nepalese revolution will be primary, and the socialist stage secondary. It will not be possible to establish people’s democracy without completing the democratic revolution.Neither phase can be accomplished without the leadership of a revolutionary communist party. None of the capitalist, comprador capitalist, regionalist, or communalist parties have either desire or ability to carry out these revolutionary tasks.World communism is the final destination for all revolutionary communist parties. Our party’s line of unified people’s revolution points the Nepalese revolution in that direction. 


Determining the political line is the most decisive task for the communist party and the proletariat in the context of revoltuion. The question of success or failure of the revolution, in every country, will depend on whether or not revolutionaries in those countries formulate a correct political line that addresses the specific conditions of each country.In observing the history of the international proletariat, we can see that only a few have succeeded in developing a Marxist political line, whereas many more have become the victim of imperialism. A document from 10th Congress of CPC, synthesising the above experiences of the world proletarian movement, summed up: “There were many instances in the past where one tendency covered another, and when the tide came in, the majority went along with it, while only a few withstood it.”Prachanda, and his clique, claim that the ten year People’s War, which he led, in the partial achievement of ending feudal monarchy, had completed the Nepalese democratic revolution. This in turn justified deviating into comprador bourgeois, parliamentarianism.To meet the historical challenge of defence, development, and offence in completing the Nepalese revolution was foremost to the political line of the Maoist People’s War. Therefore there was strong opposition abandoning that duty and revolutionaries engaged in formidable two-line struggle, within UCPN (Maoist), and NCP-Maoist over a seven years period. In the course of reorganising Nepal’s Maoist movement, it developed unified people’s revolution as line of the Nepalese revolution, from totality of class-struggles, serious study/investigation, and much debate. Our party, and our leadership are not ‘romantics’, ‘adventurists, or recklessly over-ambitious. Indeed, we recognise that, as part of being accountable to the people, we can demonstrate that our line is based on particular facts and existing specific characteristics, and makes possible the success of Nepalese revolution. In this context we should heed the words of Engels in the preface to Capital:“…it was not simply a matter of stating an economic fact or of pointing out the conflict between this fact and eternal justice and true morality, but of explaining a fact which was destined to revolutionise all economics, and which offered to him who knew how to use it, the key to an understanding of all capitalist production.”  (Engels, Preface, Capital, Vol. 2, page 16)We are committed to the great task of innovating and implementing the political line of the Nepalese Revolution, which has been synthesised as unified people’s revolution relative to the present Nepalese conjuncture. To view as expressing traditional social and political features is foolish; as Marx noted in analysing the civil war in France:“It is generally the fate of completely new historical creations to be mistaken for the counterpart of older and even defunct forms of social life to which they may bear a certain likeness.” (Marx-Engels, Sel. Wks. Vol 2, Pages 221/2)Marx aimed this barb at the idealists who thought the Paris Commune was a restoration of the medieval commune, and not, as he showed, a modern proletarian state in embryo. Reactionaries attempt to describe our unified people’s revolution as harking back, to similar historical forms of struggle and social organisation, which we reject.In summary; the political line of unified people’s revolution rests on Marxist-Leninist-Maoist theoretical foundations, based on specific characteristics of Nepalese society, and the present world geopolitical situation. It is a developed proletarian line for national and democratic revolution and combines MLM aim for establishing sovereignty for Nepalese society and people. Their implementations through revolutionary interventions in national politics over the past eighteen months have demonstrated the line’s scientific credentials, and these will be further shown in coming days.


सम्बन्धित समाचारहरु

Why Physical Exercise ?

२०७८ जेष्ठ २६ गते, बुधबार

WHAT IS LIFE ? : it goes on

२०७८ जेष्ठ १८ गते, मंगलवार


२०७८ जेष्ठ १७ गते, सोमबार

Mental Health

२०७८ जेष्ठ १४ गते, शुक्रबार